Early Journal Content on JSTOR, Free to Anyone in the World
This article is one of nearly 500,000 scholarly works digitized and made freely available to everyone in
the world by JSTOR.
Known as the Early Journal Content, this set of works include research articles, news, letters, and other
writings published in more than 200 of the oldest leading academic journals. The works date from the
mid-seventeenth to the early twentieth centuries.
We encourage people to read and share the Early Journal Content openly and to tell others that this
resource exists. People may post this content online or redistribute in any way for non-commercial
Read more about Early Journal Content at http://about.jstor.org/participate-jstor/individuals/early-
JSTOR is a digital library of academic journals, books, and primary source objects. JSTOR helps people
discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content through a powerful research and teaching
platform, and preserves this content for future generations. JSTOR is part of ITHAKA, a not-for-profit
organization that also includes Ithaka S+R and Portico. For more information about JSTOR, please
1880.] 4b5 [Gatschet.
THE TIMUCUA LANGUAGE.
By Albert 8. Gatschet.
(Read before the American Philosophical Society, February 20, 1880, as a
third sequel to the articles on this subject read April 6, 1877, and April 5,
This third article on the Floridian language once spoken by the Timucua
or Atimoke people is herewith presented to those interested in linguistics,
with the remark of the author, that all his attempts to connect it by its
radical elements with some other language spoken in the neighborhood of
its native soil have proved infructuous, and that therefore he regards it as
constituting a linguistic family for itself. The position of the author as a
linguist of Prof. J. W. Powell's U. S. Bureau of Ethnology, Washington,
D. C, has materially facilitated his researches upon the idiom, and any
further notice bearing upon the history, ethnography and language of this
remarkable nation, the last remnants of which are perhaps . not yet ex-
tinct, will be received with thanks by the author.
This article subdivides itself into the following portions : Historic Re-
marks, Ethnographic Remarks, Bibliography, Radical Affinities, Dialects,
Grammatic Notes and Selected Texts. Among the texts a missive sent in
1688 by the Timucua chiefs to the King of Spain will be read with much
Our historic information about the Indians of Florida speaking the Timu-
cua language is very fragmentary up to the period of the publication of
Rene de Laudonniere's report on his expeditions to that country, or, as he
calls them rather unassumingly, "Voyages." His account treats of no
other American people but of this, for Florida was the only portion of this
continent of which he possessed a special knowledge. From the reports
of the chroniclers of the expedition of De Soto (1539-43) we can gather the
fact that this race extended across the whole northern part of the Floridian
peninsula, for they mention proper names of persons and places on its
western coast, which can be explained through no other language but that
of the Timucua.
Modern research has proved that the dialects of the Indians inhabiting
the northern part of the Floridian peninsula belong to a linguistic family
differing radically from that of the Maskoki, Yuchi, Cheroki and Algdnkin.
But the early explorers were not aware of this fact, or at least they did
not put it in evidence. In those times not even instructed people could
appreciate the enormous ethnologic importance of the difference of lin-
guistic stocks, and had only a vague idea of linguistic classification. The
disparateness of linguistic families means early local distance of the tribes
or nations speaking them, and those who have paid some attention to these
studies, know that these linguistic differences must go back into an epoch
remote from ours by fifty or by a hundred thousand years. Thus the differ-
proc. amer. philos. soc. xviii. 105. 3h. printed march 26, 1880.
Gatschet.] 466 [Feb. 20,
ence of linguistic families proves, and is associated with racial difference.
But racial difference is not always associated with a disparateness of lin-
guistic family, for it is recorded that certain individuals, tribes and nations
have, in the course of time, been prevailed upon to adopt the idioms of
neighboring populations, especially when conquered by them.
Although the method, how to infer a difference of race from a thorough,
radical disparateness of language was above the conception even of the
most learned men of the sixteenth century, we see that these as well as the
common adventurers who flooded the islands and coasts of America were
close observers of the ethnographic peculiarities of the tribes they visited.
Their records leave us in the dark concerning the languages spoken by the
Teqestas and Calos on the southern extremity of Florida ; we cannot
gather from them whether Caribs, Western or Northern Indians were
settled in the peninsula at the time of their visit. But they transmit us
many peculiar traits and customs, from which they seem to have inferred
that all Southern Indians of the Gulf States belonged to one stock.
Our present knowledge of Timucua shows that it stands in no radical
connection with the Galibi dialects of South America (Arowak, Cumana-
gota, Chaymas, etc.), nor with the extinct Galibi idioms of the West In-
dies (Eyeri, Taino, Lucayo, etc.), nor with the Carib on the coast of Hon-
duras. We must therefore discountenance, in some degree, the far-going
speculations concerning Carib colonies, and their influence on the Indians
in the Apalache country, indulged in by Hervas, Catalogo I, pag. 386 &c,
though seafaring men of this nation may have temporarily settled on that
coast. Hervas quotes the following terms from Bristock : "Palabras de
los Apalachinos que tienen de los caribes: buottou maza, tauinali guisado,
banare amigo familiar, etotou enemigo, allouha arco, allouani fleehas,
taonabo lago, estanque, mabouya espiritu maligno, akarnboue alma humana
y innumerables palabras de cosas curiosas y raras, comunes a los caribes
de las Antillas."* Pag. 386: "Las provincias (apalaches) de Amana y
Matibue, en donde hay muchas familias de caribes, tienen muchas palabras
del antiguo idioma caribe."
Bene de Laudonniere' s report, from which Hakluy t made his English and
Theodore de Bry his Latin translation, is dated 1586, and bears the follow-
ing title :
L'HISTOIRE | NOTABLE DE LA. FLO | RIDE SITUEE ES
INDES | Occidentales, contenant !es trois voyages faits en icelle par cer-
tains Capitaines & Pilo'es Franc/iis, descrits par le Capitaine Laudonnicre,
qui y a commande l'espace d'vn an trois moys : a laquelle a est6 adiouste
vn quatriesme voyage fait par le Capitaine Gourgues.
Mise en lumiere par M. Basanier, gentil-homme Francois Mathematicien.
(Vignette : Bellerophon and the chimera. )
* Most of these terms can be Identified with Carib words once In use on the
Island of Guadeloupe, etc. cf. Breton, Diet. ; Brinton, Notes on the Fl. penin-
sula, pag. 96-98.
1880.] 4b7 [Gatschet.
A Paris, Chez Guillaume Auuray, rue sainct lean de Beauuais, au
Bellerophon couronne. mdlxxxvi. avbc privilege dv hoy.
gr. 12mo, 124 leaves, numbered recto only.
To give a historic sketch of the various vicissitudes of the French adven-
turing soldiers who arrived in Northeastern Florida on June 22, 1564,
arid established Charlefort or Fort St. Charles (arx Carolana) on the south-
ern shore of the St. John's River, is a task quite foreign to my purpose.
My inquiries on the Timucua have prevailingly linguistic tendencies ; hence
our attention will be solely occupied by gathering from the above, and
other sources, notices on the social status, in which the explorers found the
people of the Atimoqua, and by the information which can be made avail-
able for linguistic science.
In the countries drained by the St. John's River and its tributaries Rene
de Laudonniere heard of the existence of Jive paraeusi, and some of them
ruled over a considerable number of Indian chiefs and their towns. These
five paraeusi were called Saturiwa, Holata Utina, Potanu, Onethcaqua and
Saturiwa and his son Athore resided on the Atlantic coast, south of the
outlet of St. John's River, and controlled thirty sub chiefs, while the Holata
Utina, or as De Laudonniere calls him in French orthography, "Olata
Ouae Ucina," ruled over forty chiefs and their towns further inland. The
map added by Theodor de Bry to his pictorial description of these "Vo-
yages" places the seat of the Utina east of some large inland forest, west of
the St. John's River, and there are reasons for locating his seat near Lake
St. George, a sheet of water formed by the St. John's River in its middle
course.. That map locates the town of Timoga, which belonged to the do-
main of this head chief, upon the eastern shore of the St. John, and De
Laudonniere's text places it twenty leagues from Saturiwa's seat. The
Timagoa people were the most inveterate and implacable enemies of Satut
riwa's warriors ; and when a war was impending between Saturiwa and the
Timagoa, because the former had obtained some silver by force from the-
latter, De Laudonniere offered his military assistance to Saturiwa. .He-
thereby hoped to obtain trustworthy information on the countries, where'
the silver, as well as the gold of which some of their ornaments were made,,
was obtained; constant rumors pointed to the "Apalatci mountains " as;
to the source of these precious commodities. Both sexes wore various or-
naments made of gold, and most conspicuous were the disk-shaped gold 1
pieces worn around their loins at dances and on other solemn occasions.
Potanu, written Potauou by De Laudonniere, was twenty-five leagues
from Utina ; he gives this name to a chief, Pareja gives it to a province in
the interior.* This chief controlled an upland tract of country; in this
tract was found the hard slate stone, from which the people made wedges-
to cleave wood and to finish their canoes after they had burnt out a cavity
* Personal names are frequently confounded In De Laudonniere's and other
narratives with local Timucua names, and vice versa.
Gatschet.] 46o [Feb. 20,
in the logs beforehand. To deprive Potanu of his slate quarries, the Olata
Utina warred against him, and an officer of De Laudonniere assisted him
in putting his antagonist to flight.
The homo of Onethcaqua is located "near the high mountains"; the
map reads : Onathcaqua. Hostaqua, Houstaqua is a settlement located by
the map a short distance from Onathcaqua, and we are told that the people
of these two communities (De Laudonniere calls head-chiefs by these
names) painted their faces black, while the people of Molloua (Mulua) used
red paint for this purpose.
It is probable that these five paracusi were nothing but head-chiefs of
tribal confederacies, and that the real power was not in their hands, but in
those of their sub-chiefs or holata. Head-chiefs and chiefs surrounded them-
selves with considerable ceremonial and pomp, and probably on this ac-
count the chroniclers call them kings ; but some kind of etiquette sur-
rounded all chiefs throughout the territories near the Gulf of Mexico, and
that the Timucua people enjoyed a sort of democratic rule is shown by the
election of a new chief by the warriors. From Pareja's writings aloce-,
which were composed fifty years later, we would certainly be led to assume
that the Timucua people was ruled rather despotically. On many points
the narrative of the French captain is neither precise nor satisfactory ; we
learn nothing positive about the territorial extent of the settlements of the
Timucua race, nor about the national name by which they called them-
selves. His book goes to show that Timoga, Timagoa was the name of one
town, village or chieftaincy only ; in later times it was extended over sev-
eral chieftaincies only by the circumstance that the Indians of this place
were among the first christianized, and that missionaries composed books
in their dialect ODly. The same thing has occurred with the Mutsun of
San Juan Bautista, California.
Some of the French explorers seem to have reached the locality where
gold was obtained in the sand of the rivers and brooks, but the result being
not satisfactory, they soon returned to Fort St. Charles.* When they
began to suffer of famine, the Indians showed to them their natural
treacherous disposition and scoffed them for their misery, but never at-
tacked them, protected as they were by an insular fort armed with can-
nons. Two Spaniards were liberated by them, who told them about the
existence of the Calos "kingdom" at the southern extremity of the penin-
sula ; one of them had been despatched as a messenger by the Calos chief
to chief Oathchaqua, a four or five days' journey north of Calos. Half way
he saw the island Serrope in a fresh water lake of the same name.
Fontanedo mentions forty towns or settlements of the Calos, or Gallos
* Gold was called by them sieroa plra (plra, red, yellow). The chronicler Fon-
tanedo speaks of the " mines of Onogatano, situated in tne snow-clad mountains
of Onogatano, the most distant possessions of Abolachi ;" Mem. p. 32. Cf. : " The
precious metals possessed by the early Floridian Indians," pag. 199-202 (Appen-
dix III) of BHnton, Notes on the Flor. Peninsula. Brinton thinks that the
Timucua were probably acquainted with the auriferous gulches of the Apalach-
ian ridge in Georgia and the Carolinas.
1880.] 469 [Gatscnet.
Indians, who held the south-western portion of the peninsula (Brinton,
Notes, p. 113). Among twenty of their number, Oomachica and Cala-obe
are probably belonging to the Timucua language (hica, land, country ;
kala-abo, fruit-stalk or fruit-tree) ; • the town of Tampa has a Maskoki name :
itimpi near, close to it. Some of these towns were located on Lucayo Islands
(the Keys?), and four in the land of the Tocobayo, on Lake Mayaimi.
Near Manatee, Brinton found a small lake called Lake Mayaco, a name
not altogether unlike Mayaimi ; but Lake Mayaimi is described by the
chroniclers as being of huge proportions. Sarasota Bay and Island, Mana-
tee Co., on the western coast, seems to be a Timucua name, but the ma-
jority of the present Indian names of localities found on maps of the pen-
insular part of the State are Seminole, an idiom differing but very little from
the Creek, of the Maskoki family. Thus Welaka, a town on St. John's River,
Putnam Co., is the " great water," o iwa thlako, contracted into withlako;
this was or is still the Seminole name for the St. John's River, and is inter-
preted by some writer : "river of many lakes. " The French called the
St. John's River la Riviere Mai, because entered on May 1st by their ves-
sels ; the Spaniards named it Rio de San Mateo, Rio Picolata, Rio de San
South of Cape Canaveral, the country along the Atlantic Coast was called
by the Spaniards, who had a post there, the "Province of Tequesta." The
northern portion of this section of land was called in later epochs Ais, Ays,
Is, and Santa Lucia by the Spaniards. Ais is interpreted by ai'sa, deer, a
term not belonging to the Timucua language, but identifiable with itcho,
deer, in Seminole, or itchi, itche in Hitchiti and Mikasuke.
The work of christianizing the Florida Indians began with the establish-
ment of a permanent Spanish garrison at St. Augustine by Adelantado
Pedro Menendez de Aviles, in 1564. The padres mostly went to the
southern portions of the land ; two were sent to the "Calusas" in 1567,
and 1568 ten others arrived, who dispersed themselves in various direc-
tions. Padre Antonio Sedeno settled in the island of Guale (Mary's, Santa
Maria, now Amelia Island) and was the first to compose there a catechism
and a grammar of some North American language not specified.
After Menendez had returned to Spain in 1567, the French Huguenot
leader De Gourgues, allied with the paracusiSaturiwa, demolished the most
important Spanish forts in the same year, and the Spanish missionaries met
with the most cruel reverses. Padre Rogel returned from the Calos country,
disgusted with his ill-success, and went to San Felipe, a Spanish coast set-
tlement in the "Province of Orista," north of the Savannah River, but did
not remain long. Coava, chief of an inland country named Axacan, one
hundred and fifty leagues from San Augustine, put to death all the apostolic
missionaries sent among his people. The English captain Francis Drake
destroyed San Augustine in 1586.
In 1592 twelve Franciscan padres were sent to this bloody field of Catho-
lic martyrdom, and two years after this, twenty " mission houses " were in
existence. But the indomitable spirit of the aborigines could not tolerate
Gatschet.] 470 [Feb. 20,
any priestly interference with their own customs and traditions. They
murdered in cold blood Pedro de Corpa, missionary at Tolemaro, near the
mouth of St. Mary's river, killed the missionaries at Topiqiii, Asao, Ospo
and Assopo, all on Guale island, and destroyed their churches and other
In 1612, the "Custodia " of the eleven convents of Florida was erected
into an independent ecclesiastic "Provincia de Santa Elena," the principal
house being at Havana; thirty -two Franciscan priests were sent there
(1612-13) to found missions, and in 1616 their number was increased by
In 1638 a war took place against the Apalache Indians. The civil adminis-
tration of the province was from 1655 to 1675 in the hands of Governor Don
Diego de Rebollado, "Capitan-General." His successor from 1675 to 1680
was Don Juan Hita de Salacar, who was followed by Don Juan Marqucz
Cabrera. Twenty-four Franciscans were disembarked in 1676 to christian-
ize the natives. A town Timucua is, not long after this, recorded at New
Smyrna, Volusia Co, on the Atlantic coast, about ninety miles south of San
In 1687, Governor Juan Marquez attempted to remove some Indian tribes
of Florida, Apalachis, etc., to the West Indian Islands, Upon this a revolt
broke out in San Felipe, San Simon, Santa Catalina, Sapala, Tupichihasao,
Obaldaquini and some other towns ; the natives emigrated to Georgia, or
took refuge in the forests. This revolt does not seem to have extended over
those pueblos or towns who sent the letter, printed below, to King Charles
IE, of Spain (f 1700), and they were evidently well satisfied with their pre-
It was perhaps a consequence of this revolt that, in 1687, some Yamassi
Indians, living under Spanish rule, left their country for the South, invaded
the mission of Santa Catalina, in the province of Timucua, pillaged the
church and convent of San Francisco by removing its plate and vestments,
burnt the town of Timucua, killed many converted Indians, while others
were brought as slaves to Santa Elena. The reason given by the Yamas-
sis for this unprecedented massacre was that they were disgusted with the
rule of the Franciscans, and tried to put ah end to it. English instigations
were supposed to be at the bottom.
The English colonists of Georgia and the Carolinas, jealous of the Span-
ish and their power, began from 1703 a series of inroads into Florida,
which lasted for half a century, and entailed much misery on the Spanish
Indians. Col. Daniels, who led the land force of Governor Moore's army
in 1703, took St. Augustine, and met, as far as known, with no resistance.
These incursions lasted until 1706, and an inroad of the Alibamu Indians
occurred in 1705. Further English inroads are recorded for the years 1719,
1727. 1736, 1740 and 1745.
It is not altogether impossible that some Timucua Indians survive at the
present time, for the Pueblo de los Atimucas, on the Muskito lagoon,
Volusia Co., has subsisted long after the beginning of the English raids.
1880.] 471 [Gatschet.
Either the Atlantic coast or the borders of the interior fresh-water lakes,
or the Seminole settlements, Fla., might still harbor some of the race,
though little hope is to be entertained that their ancient vocalic language
may still be heard among them.
Ethnographic Remarks Concerning the Timocua People.
Not only for the history of the Ploridians, but also for their ethnography
the report of Rene de Laudonniere is of the greatest value. In the
small extent of territory which he saw, the manners and customs were
probably the same everywhere, on the coast and in the interior ; but fur-
ther to the west, among the Apalache, Hitchiti and Creeks, they must
have differed not inconsiderably. The artist Jacques ie Moyne de Morgues
accompanied the captain on his expeditions inland, and with his skilful
pencil reproduced most tastefully what he had observed among the red men
of the plains and forests. These sketches do not seem to be historically
faithful in every respect, for striking pictorial effect often seems more desir-
able to artists than historic truth ; but taken as a whole, they give us a
vivid picture of the reality of life among the Timucua. They were pub-
lished in Theodor de Bry's collection of pictorial voyages, vol. II, with
Latin text at the lower margin (Brevis Narratio; Francofurti ad Moenum,
1598, fol.). Alb. J. Pickett, History of Alabama, Charleston, 1851 (2 vols.,
12mo.), has reproduced several of these drawings, together with extracts
from De Laudonniere ; but he wrongly supposes that LeMoyne's pictures
represent the appearance and customs of the Southern Indians in general.
Neither he nor Fairbanks, nor any other southern writer speaks of the
Timucua as a distinct race.
Condensed from De Laudonniere, Pareja and other sources, I present the
following short sketch of what appeared to me the most characteristic of
all the Timucua customs and peculiarities :
Men and women generally went nude. Their bodies were well propor-
tioned, the men were of a brown-olive color, tall stature and without ap-
parent deformities. The majority of men tattooed themselves in very
artistic devices on the arms and thighs, and to judge from Le Moyne's
pictures, the chiefs at least were tattooed over the whole body. They
trussed up their long black hair in a hunch resting on their head, and
covered their privates with a well-dressed deerskin. Women wore
the hair long, reaching down to the hips, but on losing their hus-
bands they cut their hair off to its root, and did not remarry before it
had grown again to reach the shoulders. Both sexes were in the habit of
wearing their finger nails long. The custom of. pressing the heads of in-
fants is not mentioned.*
*This custom prevailed largely among the Cha'hta, who were called Flat-
heads on (hat account. The German anatomist, A. Ecker, has lately examined
twenty skulls excavated on the western coast of Florida, and published the re-
sult in the Brunswick " Archiv fur Anthropologic," vol. X (1878), page 201-14, under
the heading: 'Zur Kenntniss des Korperbaues frtlherer Einwonner der Halb-
insel Florida." He thinks that a portion of them was artificially altered and
deformed, but that they belonged toa race similar or identical to that encoun-
tered by the first Spanish explorers; he further believes, that the people which
accumulated the shell-heaps which are so frequent on the Floridian shore-line
differed from the above, and perhaps belonged to the Carib stock.
Oatschet.] 4:72 [Feb. 20,
Women were seen to climb the highest trees with agility, and to swim
over broad livers with children on their backs. When they became preg-
nant, they (and the Creek women) kept away from their husbands, and
during their periods were careful to eat certain kinds of nutriment only ;
they drank blood to render their sucking children stronger and healthier.
Chiefs had one legitimate wife, whose children alone could inherit them,
and one or two concubines. The first-born males in the tribe were sacri-
ficed to the chief, under solemn ceremonies.
Most Indians were found to be diseased by the "pox," for they were
exceedingly fond of the other sex, calling their female friends "daughters
of the sun." Pederasty was not unfrequent, and the French noticed quite
a number of "hermaphrodites, " who were very strong in body, and used as
load-carriers, especially on war expeditions. The Indians showed a feel-
ing of repugnance towards them.
The Timucua declared war by sticking a number of arrows into the
ground, fliers up, in close vicinity to the enemy's camp. This was done
witli the utmost secrecy the night before the attack, and locks of human
hair were seen dangling from the end of the arrows. The chiefs led the
warriors on the war-path, club, arrows and bow in hand ; when the fight
had begun, they placed themselves in the centre of the combatants, and
their usual mode of attack was to surprise the enemy, as is done by all In-
dians. They fought valiantly and impetuously, when compelled to figlit
openly ; their weapons were spears, clubs, bow and arrows, and a small
target hung on the che>t. Their arrows were headed with stones and fish-
bones, both being worked quite handsomely and carefully. The warriors
put to death all men captured (though exceptions to this are recorded), cut
off their arms above the elbow, and their legs above the knee, took their
scalps, and ran an arrow into their anus, leaving them in this condition on
the battle-field. The scalps and sometimes the cut-off limbs were brought
to camp, stuck on poles which they connected with garlands, and during
the scalp dance, which lasted three days and nights, the most revolt-
ing orgies were gone through. The oldest of their women were com-
pelled to join hands in the maddening dance ; the scalps of the slain were
smoked over a fire, while praises were sung to the sun for the victory
obtained. Women and children of the enemy were kept as slaves. War-
riors ornamented their heads with all kinds of feathers, leaves and plants,
like the Aztecs and Mayas, or drew the head or skin of some wild animal
over their foreheads, to protect the head.
When hunting game they hid themselves in deer skins, and thus shot
their game by decoy. The various superstitions of hunters are contained
in Pareja's queries. He also speaks of their barbacoas or provision houses,
and Le Moyne's picture shows that these were low palisade huts, roofed
over, and having only one issue. In the maize gathering season, the whole
crop was carried to these barns, and subsequently it was portioned out to
every man according to his quality. The watchmen of these barns, when
found to be neglectful of their duties, were executed by a heavy blow on
the head with a war-club.
1880.] 47d [Gatschet.
As one of the pastimes of their young men is mentioned the throwing
of balls against a square mat made of bulrush reeds, hanging from a pole
8-9 fathoms high ; the one who succeeded in making the mat come down,
was winner in the game.
At the death of a holata or chief, men and women cut their hair off to
half length, and a thorough abstention from food was ordered for three
days ; the deceased was buried ceremoniously, on the top of a terrace-
mound, a smaller mound erected over his grave, and a large conch 01 ma-
rine shell, which had been his drinking cup, placed over this monticule.
The conch was then surrounded by a circle of arrows stuck perpendicu-
larly into the soil, at two or three feet distance from the conch.
In a people which believes in the power of conjurers over ghosts and
spirits, the influence of the bewitcher or shaman must be necessarily immense.
From Pareja's queries we gather the fact that mostly old men, naribua, were
acting as conjurers ; they consecrated the arrows before a hunting party
left for the woods, and when the game did not expire from the first
shots, they prayed over another arrow which would certainly finish it ;
they produced rain, restored lost objects to their owners, spoke their bene-
dictions over corn-cribs and new fish weirs, over a catch of fish and over
baskets of recently gathered fruits. They treated the sick with incanta-
tions and physicked them with herbs ; they sometimes cured them half-
ways only to exact more reward from them. They predicted future events,
especially at a time when everybody was interested in what they might re-
veal : during war-expeditions. Before going to war, the chief sitting amidst
his warriors, consulted one of the oldest and smartest conjurers (who had
to be also an accomplished contortionist), concerning the result of the war,
the force and the whereabouts of the enemy. In their midst the magician
knelt down on liis small round target in such a manner as not to come in
contact with the soil ; after various incantations he derived inspiration
from demoniac powers, and while grimacing, drew a magic circle in the
sand around his shield. After contorting himself in the most terrific
manner for about twenty minutes, while singing incantations and uttering
imprecations against the enemy, he finally stood up, and after getting
cooler, he revealed to the "King" the number of the hostiles and their
hiding places or whereabouts and the best moment to attack them.
Although we find no direct mention of solar and lunar worship in
Pareja's writings, both prevailed among the Timucua, and solar worship
throughout the Southern territories. The term acuhiba, moon, really means
indicator (of time), literally: "the one who tells." The Timucua wor-
shiped the sun under the image of a deer ; they raised a stuffed deer-skin
on a high pole and testified their reverence for it by singing and dancing
rites.* The sun was invoked before a battle and praised after a victory
gained ; the natives once refused to accept meat from the French and
* This is perhaps the origin of the tribal name A~sa, Ais, Ays, previously men-
PROC. AMEB. PHILOS. SOC. XVIII. 105. 3l. PRINTED MARCH 26, 1880.
Oatschet.] 474 [Feb- 20,
made t.hem understand that they were accustomed to wash their faces and
not to eat hefore the sun had gone down.
Another object closely connected with their beliefs was the mcred number
three. While the Maskoki tribes had a traditional reverence for the number
four on account of the four points of the compass and the winds coming
from each of these four quarters, and while they assigned a particular color
to each of these four points, we find over a dozen references in De
Laudonniere to a worship of the number three among the Timucua. They
fasted three days at the death of a chief, their scalp-dances lasted three
days and three nights ; at the toya festivity, which probably represents the
green-corn festivity of other Indians, men ran into the woods, as if crazed,
and stayed there three days, while the women cut themselves and their
daughters, crying " he toya !" Even in Pareja this number is alluded to,
for he mentions that chiefs just coining into power ordered a new Are to be
made in their cabins to burn during six days, and at sowing time the chiefs
caused six old men (ano miso) to eat a pot of fritters. Six is the double of
three. The holy Are in the temple of the sun, among the Naktche, was
fed by three logs only ; and a Peruvian creation myth pretends that three
eggs fell from the skies ; from the golden egg issued the royal family, from
the silver egg the nobility, and from the copper egg the commoners.
Concerning their mode of sustenance the Timucua stood high above the
northern savages, for they tilled the soil and were not altogether at the
mercy of nature, when an inclement summer season had deprived them of
food. A hoe, made of a heavy fish bone or shell adjusted to the end of a
stick, served in loosening the compact soil ; the women made grooves in
the ground by hand and carefully deposited maize-seeds in eacli of them.
Here the agricultural work did not devolve entirely on the women, for the
males turned the soil with their hoes. They made artificial ponds to let
fish, eels; turtles, etc., come in, and afterwards caught them when needed.
They were drinking the black drink, an exhilarating beverage made from
the cassine-plant (also known among the Creeks), and to this, probably,
refers the charge of drunkenness made by Pareja. They ate alligators,
snakes, dogs, and almost every kind of quadrupeds and fruits, and were
seen mixing coals and sand in their food ; their main staple, however, was
maize, and the French saw them kissing the "baskets of mill, " tapaga
tapola, standing before them.
During the three or four months of the rainy season they retired to the
woods and lived there in huts covered with palmetto leaves. They did so
evidently to avoid the burning rays of the subtropical sun.
About their arts ani domestic life not much is transmitted to us. The
term taca ni timutema, "my fire is out" (Proc. of 1878, page 496), shows
that they kept up the fire in the lodge all day. The description of the
town, with the chiefs house on a mound, as seen by Hernando de Soto on
Tampa Bay, is too well known to need repetition here. The ordinary
settlements of the Timucua were a conglomerate of huts surrounded by
strong palisade fences, not unlike the kraals (from Span, corral, medieval
1880.1 **" [Gatschet.
Latin : curtinale) of the Kaffirs. They must have been very fond of
personal ornaments as LeMoyne's pictures tend to show, and tattooing with
some indelible color was carried to a high pitch of artistic development.
They seated themselves on coarse benches made of nine poles or canes run-
ningparallel, the benches forming half circles ; there they held their councils
of war and peace, while the women prepared food for them, or let the cassine
drink make the round of the assembled warriors. They were adepts in
the art of manufacturing fans, hats and other tissues from palmetto leaves,
and also moulded large earthen vessels, in which water was carried. Not
less were they acquainted with ideographic writing, for each of the two
head-chiefs Olata Utina and Hostaqua sent Ave painted skins as presents
to Captain Rene de Laudonniere.
A study of Pareja's totemic list goes to show that two kinds of descenden-
cies existed among the Timucua. The names of the first refer simply to
the relations which the men of the tribe or tribes entertained to their chief,
as councillors, etc. ; but the second list contains the ancient names of the
gentes or claus, as given to them through their totem. The majority of
these totems are names of animals, and herein the Timucua do not differ
from other North American Indians east of the Rocky Mountains. The
two lists of Pareja seem to stand in no reciprocal connection, and hence it
is to be presumed that a man who belonged, /. i., to the Anacotima could
belong at the same time to the Apahola or some other clan mentioned in
the second list.
The following are the titles of Pareja's works consulted by me in the
library of the Historical Society of New York :
Cathecismo en lengua Castellana, y Timuquana. En el qual se contiene
io que se les puede ensenar a los adultos que an de ser baptizados. Cora-
puesto por el P. F. Francisco Pareja, Religioso de la Orden del seraphico
P. S. Francisco, guardian del Conuento de la purisima Cocepcion de N.
Sunora de 8. Augustin, y Padre de la Custodia de sancta Elena de la Flor-
ida. (Woodcut.) en mexico, en la impreta de la Viuda de Pedro Balli.
Por C. Adriano Cesar M. DC. XII.
In 16mo., eighty leaves or 160 pages, not numbered, but every quire
marked with a letter of the alphabet running from A to K inclusive, at
lower right hand margiu, the leaves being marked with Roman figures :
Biii, Biiii, Gii, Iv etc.
In the copy consulted by me the following "Doctrina " is bound into
same volume as part of a second Catechism :
Catechismo y breve exposicion de la doctrina Christiana muy util y
necessaria, asi para los Espafioles como para los Naturales, en Lengua Cas-
tellana y Timuquana, en modo de preguntas, y respuestas. Compuesto por
el P. F. Francisco Pareja de la Orden de N. Seraphico P. S. Francisco,
Padre de la Custodia de S. Elena de la Florida.
Gatschet.] 470 [ Fe t>. 20,
Follows a woodcut extending over more than half the page.
Back of title : Woodcut representing the infant Jesus with the cross, and
Spanish verses to its praise. 176 leaves, paged only recto; the last three
leaves 174-76 not numbered. Profusely illustrated with rough woodcuts.
The colophon reads as follows :
Con Licencia de los superiores, en Mexico, en casa de la viuda de Pedro
Balli. Afio de 1612. Por C. A. Cesar.
Confessionario En lengua Castellana y Timuquana. Con algunos con-
sejos para animar al penitente. (.*) 1" Y assi mismo van declarados algu-
nos efFectos y prerrogatiuas deste sancto sacramento, etc. Ordenado por el
Padre Pr. Francisco Pareja, Padre de la Custodia de Santa Elena de la
Florida. Religioso de la Orden de nuestro Seraphico Padre San Fran-
cisco. Impresso con licencia en Mexico, en la Emprenta de la Viuda de
Diego Lopez Daualos. Ano de 1613.
Colophon : Aquino van puestos los Canones, hallarsean en el libro
llamado segundo mandamiento.
LAUS DEO DEIPAR^QUE
o MARIjE o
The book is in 16mo and the title is followed by seven unpaged leaves,
containing testimonials and documents of the press authorities concerning
Pareja's books. Follow eight unpaged leaves containing errata and list of
contents. Follow leaves, the' numbers of which run from 9 to 230, some
set up in one, others in two columns, the former being more frequent.
The volume is illustrated with many coarse woodcuts. The star, as marked
in the title, occupies the middle of the page.
Note.— In the official preface to the Confessionario (leaf 3) the President and
auditors of the royal "Audlencia" of New Spain mention the following writ-
ings composed by Father Pareja: " Fray Francisco Pareja de la Orden
a compuesto, traduzido y declarado la Doctrina Christiana, tres Cathecismos,
Confessionario, Arte, y Vocabulario, y otro tratado de las penas del Pnrgatorio,
y de las penas del innerno: y gozos de la Gloria, y el Rosario de la Virgen con
otras cosas de.deuocion, en lengua Castellana y Floridana, y gastado en esto
mas de diez y seys afios." It is possible that some of these writings have never
appeared in print.
To the above I add the titles of two works by Gregorio de Mouilla, as
copied from Icazbalceta's Apuntes :*
Explication de la Doctrina que compuso el cardenal Belarmino, por man-
dado del Scnor Papa Clemente 8. 1" Traducida en Lengua Floridana : por
el Padre Fr. Gregorio de Mouilla Diftinidor de la Prouincia de santa Elena,
de la Orden de S. Francisco, natural de la Villa de Carrion de los Condes
* Joaq. Garcia Icazbaiceta, Apuntes para an eatalogo de escritores en lenguas
indigenas de America. Mexico, 1866, 12 mo, pag. 116-118.
1880.] 477 [Gatscnet.
hijo de la Prouincia de la Concepcion, y del Conuento recoleclo de fira Se-
fiora de Calahorra. Corregida, enmendada y anadida en esta segunda im-
pression por el tnesmo Aulor. En Mexico Impressa con licencia en la
Imprenta de Iuan Ruyz. Afio de 1635.
(En 8', 12 fojas preliminares. Fojas 1 a 197. 2 fojas de indice, sin nu-
meral 1 . Al fin :)
Acabose a 9. de Enero de 1636. con licencia en Mexico, por Iuan Ruyz.
(A continuacion se halla este otro opiisculo):
Forma breve de administrar los Sacramentos a los Indios, y Espafioles
que viuen entre ellos. 1 Aprobado por Autoridad Apostolica, y sacado del
Manual Mexicano, que se vsa en toda la nueua Espafia y Piru, mutatis
mutandis, esto es. lo que estaua en legua Mexicana traducido en lengua
Floridana. Para vso de los Keligiosos de Sro Padre S. Francisco, que son
los ministros de las Prouincias de la Florida. T Por el Padre Fr. Gregorio
de Mouilla. If Con licencia del sefior Don Lope Altamirano Comissario gen-
eral de la santa Cruzada. Impresso en Mexico. Por Iuan Ruyz. Ario
(En 8°, 32 fojas. Enlabibliotecadel Sefior D. J. F. Ramirez, Mexico.) La
primera edicion de este libro es de Madrid, 1631, en 8° ; pero habiendo re-
sultado con muchas erratas, volvio el autor a imprimirlo en Mexico, corre-
gido y aumentado. Asi lo dice en su pr61ogo.
Radical Affinities of Languagk.
My attempt to compare the Timucua language with other linguistic fami-
lies in regard to lexical affinity may be called premature, for we do not know
over two hundred vocables of it with some degree of certitude. There
are no two languages in the world which will not yield many real or fan-
cied resemblances when confronted with each other, and to build air-
castles on these has been a frequent mistake of many unexperienced in-
vestigators. Linguistic families, which are ancient neighbors of Timucua,
are the Yuchi, Cherokee, Maskoki and Carib, but none of them seem to
give any chances for fruitful radical comparisons, and Yuchi and Maskoki
differ widely from it phonetically. The Carib or Galibi dialects, anciently
spoken in the West Indies, are quite fluctuating in the pronunciation of
their vowels as well as of their consonants, like some Polynesian dialects,
and since we observe the same peculiarity in Timucua, an additional diffi-
culty springs up in the way of arriving at a result.
A. Timucua- Maskoki affinities.
Holata chief. This Timucua term is evidently loaned from the Eastern
Maskoki dialects, for in Creek hola'hta is a ceremonial title of men
officiating in annual festivals and busks, and is often connected with
the war-title hadjo, haclsu, which corresponds to our bold, reckless
(hola'hta hadsu). In rank the hola'hta, hula^ta stands below the
tustenoki, who is himself inferior to the miko or chief. Hola'hta is
Gatschet.] 478 [ Fe b. 20,
the word holati, with prefix ok- : o^olati blue, sky blue, the blue
color having become in some way or other the emblem of these
titled warriors. In the cognate Hitchiti dialect blue is holatle.
Among the Creeks blue was the color symbol of the south.
Aba, abo stick, club ; stalk, plant ; maize-stalk; abopaha corn-crib ; aboto
to beat with a stick ; abara maize field. In the Maskoki dialects
this term appears as api in Creek : stalk, stem ; adshim api stalk of
maize or Indian corn ; adshi-intal api cob of Indian corn. The
Hitchiti dialect pronounces the a longer than Creek : api stem, han-
dle ; nofapi beech, lit. beech-stalk. In Oha'hta this word may be
traced in : nusapi oak-tree, and in haksh-ap bark.
B. Timueua-Carib affinities.
Piro red ; ano pira red m'tri, Indian. In G-alibi ta-pire is red and yellow ;
in Tupi piranga is red ; pira piranga red fish, name of some fish spe-
cies (Martius) ; in Taino pu, bu meant scarlet.
Paha house, lodge, wigwam. In Arowak we find bahu (and : baacheh)
house ; boharque in Taino : bohio, buhii, libanna : tugurium, in the
same dialect (Martius).
Ele young, fresh, recent. In Byeri el is son, in Taino el, ili, gua-ili (with
demonstrat. prefix gua-, wa-) young, offspring, infant ; in Arowak
elunchy : boy.
Ichali weir, fish-pond. Raymond Breton (Dictionn. Carai'be francais, 1665)
page 282, has ichali : garden for raising vegetables, p. 468 : tona icali
(or ariche), fish-weir: " reservoir de poissun," tona meaning river.
The word oubacali he also translates by garden ; oubao island, icali
garden. Ibid. p. Ill : chalaali he was drowned; na chalaroyem I
am drowning, I go to the bottom. These two words are evidently
representing different linguistic roots, and the first has to be pro-
nounced ishali, according to the French pronunciation. Pareja ex-
pressly states that ichali was used for weir on the coast, puye in the
interior, and I think it may be a loan word from the south incor-
porated into the language after suppressing the tona, which alone
qualifies the Carib word (as spoken on the island of Guadeloupe) as
a fish-pond. In Eyeri, as spoken on Porto Rico, chali meant a gar-
The terms pointed out certainly agree in both languages, but they may
be loan words ; even if they rested on a common origin, their number is
too small to prove identity of ethnic origin of the two peoples.
Other resemblances may be traced, but they are too doubtful for being
relied ou :
hapu three : kabbuin, kabuin Arowak.
maca, moca sea, ocean : bagua in Taino ; cf. pa in parana, the Tupi term
iyorona eel : ihiri in Arowak. The Timucua word is derived from the
verb yuru to shake, tremble.
1880.] 479 [Gatschet.
Dialects of the Timucua Language.
This is a topic on which very few indications were transmitted to us by the
authors. But we are told by Pareja that dialects spoken by one tribe were
intelligible to tribes speaking other dialects. He mentions several dialectic
differences, f. i., that between ichali and puyu fish-weir, yarne and yarnan-
chu brother-in-law, amitina and chirima my younger sister.
The dialects to which he refers, are :
1. The dialect of TLmoga or Timagoa, on Lower St. John's River.
2. That of Potano, west of St. John's River.
3. That of Itafl.
4. That of the Fresh-water District.
5. The dialect of Tucururu, on the Atlantic coast.
6. The dialect of Santa Lucia de Acuera, a short distance south of Cape
7. The dialect of Mocama, a term which means : "on the coast."
Many other dialects and sub-dialects must have been spoken throughout
the vast interior of the peninsula, of which we have no knowledge. The
most instructive passage on this subject is found in Hervas, Catalogo de las
Lenguas conocidas, I, p. 388, who quotes Pareja, of whose writings he
had seen none but the catechism of 162"< : "Los indios que tienen mas dife-
rencia de vocables y mas toscos que son los de Tucururu y Santa Lucia de
Acuera, por participar de la costa del Sur, que es otra lengua, entienden a
los de Mocama, que es la lengua mas politica, y a los de Timuqua, como lo
he experimentado, pucs me ban entendido predicandoles."
Thus Pareja declares the coast dialect of Mocama (which latitude?)
to be the most polished of all and a medium of intercommunication with
the southernmost dialect with its rude pronunciation. Otra lengtta does
not necessarily mean "a language of a different stock," but only an idiom
differing from ours.
Gn account of the unsatisfactory state of the Timucua texts at hand,
our grammatic and lexical knowledge of this idiom can increase but
slowly. Pareja's " Arte " or grammar would considerably help our inves-
tigations, but no trace could as yet be discovered of its manuscript or of
the book itself, if it has ever been printed.
The following remarks contain the result of my studies on the gram-
matic part of the idiom. Many of them may be revoked in doubt or cor-
rected by further research, for the state of the texts often admits several
interpretations of the wording. For this .reason I have even hesitated for
a while, whether it would be justifiable to publish them or not.
In phone'ics the most prominent feature is the alternation of some
vocalic sounds among themselves, and of the consonants pronounced with
the same phonic organ of the vocal tube.
Other changes are very frequent also, especially those produced by con-
traction, viz. : synizesis, syncope, ekthlipsis.
Gatschet.] 480 [Feb. 20,
Thus, the article (or pronoun) na frequently combines with the follow-
ing word, whether this begins with a vowel or not :
na ucuta : nacuta, ucuta ; nacunu : na acu ano.
na uquostano : naquostano, uquostano.
iti-aye : itaye ; iti ayaqe : itayaqe; isaye isa : isayesa ; isaye nate : isa-
soba hebi : sobaebi ; piaha : pia.
chuqua cosa : chuquosa ; chi iquila : chiquila.
aya-lacota : yalacota; ano eyo : anoya.
The verb being the most important part of speech in every language, I
first call attention to the polymorphic and intricate nature of its inflection
as it appears in the texts. It certainly shows analytic features by not in-
corporating the subject-pronoun, for this may be placed before or after the
finite verb, its place being determined by the run of the sentence. Where
this pronoun is found combined with the verb, phonetic attraction alone
seems to have produced this effect.
The synthetic character of the Timucua verb exceeds largely its
analytic features or anything that could be construed into such. It shows
itself in the formation of the modes, participles and verbals, of the num-
bers, of the voices and tenses, of negative and interrogative verbs. To ex-
press grammatic relation and derivation, prefixation is much less resorted
to than suffixation.
A large number of American languages do not distinguish more than
two tenses, though others show a variety of them. Timucua is poor in
tenses,; the tense of the incompleted action, which mostly coincides with
om future, is expressed by suffixing manda, manta to tlje stem, a deriva-
tive of the verb mani to desire. The fact that manda sometimes appears
before its verb, and sometimes is used as a verb for itself (to be willing, to
want, to require), proves that its real function is that of an auxiliary verb.
As such it is placed after all the suffixes that may be added to the stem :
viroma niponosiheromanda bohobi cho ? did you believe that the husband
would possibly return (to you) ?
honosoma cayamaquene ubahauetilamanda bohobi cho ? did you believe
that the deer and the partridge would not (no longer) be caught?
nocornilcmanda it will become true.
The action completed or just being completed is expressed as follows :
1. Whets the action belongs to the past, and is expressed by our imper-
fect, preterit or pluperfect, -bi, -vi is suffixed to the stem or basis of the
verb : taca quosobi cho ? did you make a fire t
2. When the action is in course of completion, and the tense answers to
our present tense, then the pure stem of the verb is used, and -la is added,
when the action is done in the presence of the speaker : motala I assent,
I agree (while I am here) ; habosotala I accept.
-la, -le being the particle of the affirmative mode, expressing certainty,
1880.] 481 [GatSchet.
positive statement, actuality, can be added to any tense or mode, but is
most frequently used to express the present, especially when the first per-
sons are used.
nocomi ninihabeJamanda bohobicho? did you believe that he would cer-
tainly expire ?
balu nanemima ohohauefo it gives everlasting life.
hanibitUa evidently he has not neglected.
In chuqualehaue chuquosa eho? how often did you do this? the preterit
tense is not marked by any suffix or other syllable.
The plural of the verb is often indicated by the suffix -ma, in participles
by the suffix -qe, both of which are used for many other purposes also. In
the queries (Proc. 1878, p. 498) mante he desires, has pi. mantema they
desire or want ; lapusteia it requests, pi. lapustamal'a they request.
No instance of a dual form has occurred to me in the verb or substan
tive. From yucha two is formed yuchaqua both.
Whether the verb is making a distinction concerning male and female
gender is a matter of doubt, and I can adduce only one passage (ibid., p. 498),
which seems to indicate some distinction of this kind :
viro uquata puenonicala I bring a male infant.
nia uquata puentanicalal bring a female infant.
viro niaquene puenonicala I bring male and female infants.
Of the modes of the finite verb one is marked by the suffix -hero, -ero, -ro,
which expresses possibility and probability, corresponding somewhat to
our auxiliary verb may, might, could. This form, which could be called
either a conditional or a facultative mode, may be illustrated by the follow-
ing syntactic instances :
anoco nihihero manibi cho? did you desire that anybody may die?
balu pontahero he may give life.
niponosihero-manda bohobi cho? did you believe that he would possibly
To show the forms of the imperative and exhortative mode with some
degree of certainty we have not enough instances on hand.
Participles are formed by means of the suffixes -mate, -no and -ta, -te.
-mate corresponds to our participle in -ing, and to the Latin gerunds, but
is appended to nouns also, especially when they become connected with
verbal forms in -mate.
paha pononomate saraota quosobi cho? after returning home, did you rub
yourself with herb juice?
cuyumate honoso honomate feeding on fish and deer meat.
henomate ibinemate for eating and drinking.
etabualunimate after having given birth to.
-no, -nu is found in participles of the medial and the passive form :
eca»o made, worked, worked over.
itorinolehaue equelacoma on days where (people) have to fast.
PR0C. AMUR. PHILOS. SOC. XVIII. 105. 2j. PRINTED MARCH 27, 1880.
Gatschet.] 482 [p e b. 29,
honoma, calama ituhuntileqe fruits prayed over.
na care henomano caqua all these things, when eaten.
-ta and -te occurs in participles of passive, and also of intransitive verbs ;
to distinguish it from the negative and the interrogative -ti, -te is not
always an easy matter, -ta mostly occurs as the ending of a substantive.
ubuata caught, from ubua to catch, capture.
hibate missa the missa having been said, or having said the missa.
atofa hororoquene hebataqe when the owl and the red owl were screeching.
nimota being hunted.
ibirila (a woman) who is menstruating.
eta baluta (a woman) confined.
inosobote one compelled to work.
ituhute over which a prayer was said ; prayed over.
There are two negative particles in the language, aya (ya) and -ti, -te.
The former either stands for itself, or is prefixed to the verb; when pre-
fixed it becomes only agglutinated to, not incorporated into the verb. Aya
is a particle of an objective nature, while -ti, -te is used in a subjective, puta-
tive sense, the negation of a fact or thought existing rather in the speaker's
mind, than objectively. Therefore it serves also as an interrogative parti-
cle, and then is mostly joined to in- as inti, though frequently found incor-
porated into the verb, and placed after particles of derivation. It then cor-
responds to Latin -ne in dicisne? and to /x&v (ja) oZv~\ or to our not in
"don't you say?" which means the same as "do you say?" though with
a slight shade of difference.
aya honoma ituhunu fruits not prayed over.
hanibitila he did not neglect.
manino-ticote without feeling hunger.
Diosi hubuasotanatila ? have you not loved God ?
isayente (for isaye nate)? is she thy mother?
isayeste ? does thy mother say so ?
The formation of reflective, reciprocal, medial and causative verbs is
effected by derivational affixes, and some of them are mentioned among
the "Prefixes and Suffixes of Derivation." How frequentative and usita-
tive, durative and attributive verbs are formed cannot be determined yet
on account of the infrequency of syntactic examples. Instances how
derivatives are formed, will be seen under mo- and orobo- in the "Words
The Timucua noun presents many difficult problems. To designate the
objective case of the direct object we find in the substantive four suffixes :
-co, -m^ -ma, and the plural suffix -qe, or we find no suffix at all. While
-ma is locative, plural and verbal suffix at the same time, -nu seems con-
nected with certain classes of nouns only, of the animate as well as of the
inanimate order. None of them is a sign of a distinct case.
chofama pilenoma ibine-ichicosa to throw liver and lungs into cold water.
1880.] 483 [Gatschet.
ponachica viroma? niama? do you bring a male, female (infant) ?
balunu nanemima ohuhauela it gives eternal life.
The adjective, when used attributively, does but in a very few examples
agree in its suffix with the substantive it qualifies, and generally has no
suffix at all, but stands after the substantive.
-mate is a postposition joined to nouns, in honosomate cayamatequene,
from the deer and from the partridge, Confess, p, 129.
The possessive pronouns can become suffixed to conjunctions and adverbs
just as if they were substantives or participles. Thus the suffix of the
second person of the singular, -aya, -aye is met with in examples like the
following, which prove that these particles were originally participles or
other nominal forms :
naquostanaye ? in which manner you ?
chucaya haheno? how often did you eat?
equelaya haheno chuqua ? how many times a day did you eat?
The third person of the singular :
Diosi hebuano nemoquamima emoqua against God's law : lit. "God's
law against his against. "
In participles this is observed as follows :
orobotanaye one cured by you.
ara uque naponaye you anointed with bear's grease.
caqi nia hutanaye that woman with whom you slept.
ilifotanaye for your killing (deer).
A syntactic curiosity are the suffixed particles -leqe, -lehe, -nia, -mano,
-qe, which are sometimes placed after each word of a series of consecu-
tive terms. They serve, no doubt, to establish a connection or reference,
or to show mutual coordination of these terms, cf. tacachuleheco, Ac,
Confess, p. 132 v. ; cuyuleqe, ibid.
The suffix -qe often serves to connect a principal clause with the princi-
pal clause just preceding.
We also find repetitions of verbs and nouns, which seem quite unneces-
sary to us, and embarrassing the sense :
honoso henomate inti uquabi cho ? deer-meat eating did you eat ?
hehanimanda hanibi cho? did you quit to cease eating?
nia iquimi iquiti mosobi cho? did you insult any women? lit. "to
women with insults did you insult-cause?"
There are also a few instances where the nominal object, direct and in-
direct, seems to be incorporated into the verb, as it is the rule in the Aztec
language. Traces of this have been discovered in many other American
languages. Some of the examples below are simply compound words,
which differ in nothing from the Greek ohodofxiw and the Latin animad-
utihanta one banished from home, exulant ; lit. one yearning (hant) after
(his) country (uti).
Gatschet.] 4o4: | Fe b 20,
sobae to eat meat ; lit. to meat-eat (soba-he).
ibineichicosa to put or throw into cold water ; lit. to cold-water (some-
thing). It is not probable that cosa forms here a word for itself, but ibine
ichi, a noun with its attribute, becomes verbified by the sufflxation of -cosa.
cf. afatacosi to gather chestnuts. If the relation existing between the suf-
fixes -co and -ma was clearly established, we could decide whether -co is
here the sign of the objective case or perhaps the radix of the verb coso
to make, produce.
cuyuhanta one who eats no fish, lit. missing, deprived of fish.
atimoqua lord, master ; lit. servants attend (on him).
As well as the direct and indirect object of the verb, other portions of
the sentence can become incorporated into one single term in this idiom.
If the constituent parts of the sentence, the subject, object, predicate, at-
tribute, etc., were morphologically as well defined here as they are in the
Indoeuropean and Semitic languages, this would be an impossibility.
The grammatic affixes of Timucua do not bear the imprint of sharp logi-
cal distinction and segregation, but embody too many relations at once,
material and purely relational ones, as we clearly perceive in the example
of -ma and -mate.
Diosi hebuano nemoquamima emoqua, lit. God-law-against-his-against
(did you proffer curses?). In this sentence -mima, which is the possessive
pronoun his, could stand just as well after the possessor (Diosimima
hebuano), but the simple fact that it can stand elsewhere also, shows us the
true character of the language.
Soba sobaebi (for : soba-hebi) cho? did you eat meat? lit. ''meat did
you meat-eat?" Here the first soba is the object of the verb sobaebi cho,
the second soba is the incorporated object of hebi cho only. This sentence
seems to us to contain an unnecessary repetition, but the Timucua certainly
did not consider it in this light.
Chuqualehaue chuquosa cho ? how often did you do this ? chuqua, how
often, is here verbified in both instances, chuquosa standing for chuqua-
cosa. This seems to be more than a mere ellipse of a syllable.
Cuyuma ubuata qibenco melasonolehabetele mosobi cho? did you order
that the first fish (pi.) caught be not thrown into hot water? In the direct
object, cuyuma ubuata qibenco, the last term only contains the sign of the
objective case, -co, hence the two terms standing before qibenco must, in
the mind of the Timucua, have formed one word only with qibenco through
Ano pequataye inosobotequa : your subordinates who are put to work.
Here the sign of the plural number, -qua, is appended to the last term
only, though plurality extends to pequataye as well as to ano.
Paha pononomate, lit. "after-home-returning." After paha a post-
position of a locative character is expected ; its lack seems to prove that the
Timucua regarded both terms as one compound word formed by incorpora-
tion of the indirect object into the verbal form.
1880.3 ^OO [Gatschet,
Pkbfixes OP Dkbivation.
Prefixes subservient to the formation of derivatives are not numerous and
cannot be easily confounded with syllables entering into the composition of
compound words. The demonstrative pronoun na, which we can often
render by our definite article the, coalesces in some instances with the word
following it after losing its accent, and the same is true of the pronoun
chi thou; but these are not prefixes.
i-, verbal prefix : iquaso, iquase to screech, scream ; iparu to swallow (?)
iquileno in iquilnona married to the sister of my wife ; iquiti to insult,
abuse ; ko, ccso and ike to make, do, to cause to.
i-, nominal prefix : ichini and chini nose, nostrils ; iti father ; isa mother;
isale sister of mother, itori subsequent to : iquini breast, udder, milk ; ibine
yu-, yo-, a prefix equivalent to our through, across or by, near, past ; yu-
bueha, yubehe to transfix, pierce ; yuquiso to deposit on the side of ; yoqua
ni-, verbal prefix : mero hot, niraaru to preserve one's heat ; naquila to
perfume, ninaquilasi to perfume ; pona to come, niponosi to return to ; nacu
to drink, ninacu to ask for a drink.
si-, verbal prefix of a medial signification, which frequently adds to the
verbal base the idea of " for oneself" arid is sometimes reflective. Siqi or
siqisa in siqisama my father, lit. "the one who procreated me," cf. siqita
pahana all people belonging to my house, family ; uque oil, grease, suquoni
to rub something on oneself (for si uquoni).
Suffixes of Dekivation.
A short examination of the specimens of Timueua given by me in the
"Proceedings" will prove to readers that this language is in a high degree
polysynthetic, not only in its signs or syllables of relation (inflectional
forms), but also in derivational forms. Often one and the same syllable
serves as an inflectional and as a derivational form, and it is a peculiarity
of this language that these forms can occur in the form of whole syllables
only, either single or double.
Suffixes are more numerous than prefixes. They are either inflectional
or derivational. The latter alone will be considered in this chapter, and
although the number of them as given here is rather small, Timueua forms
a much larger number of them by combination. To define accurately the
functions and origin of them all, is what a full grammar of this Ploridian
language will perhaps one day be able to give.
-ba, nominal suffix : hiyaraba lion ; nariba and naribua old (of persons ;
from na ariba) ; hibe louse ; soba meat, deer-meat.
-bale, identical with -male, Proc. 1878, p. 497.
-bo, verbal suffix forming transitive verbs : tinibo to pierce, perforate ;
iniso and inisobo to make somebody work ; aboto and abotobo to beat with
a stick ; orobo and oroboni to cure, heal, to treat for sickness.
-cha, -chi suffixed to nouns is not a real suffix ; it is the relative particle
Gatschet.] 486 [Feb. 20,
cha, hacha, "the one who, those who, that which;" chulufl-chi those of the
jay -clan or totem ; cam yachimale she that was horn with a brother, the
female of twins, ya being the pronoun she; po-cha, and hachi-pa-cha
somebody, anybody, lit. " the one who is born ;" ela-pa-cha the members of
of one family, lit. " those born young together."
-co in isitoco to cause to bleed ; -co is a verbal suffix, but mostly occurs
in combination with other suffixes and has a factitive or causative function :
ichi cold : ibine-iphicosa to throw into cold water ; afata chestnut : afata-
cosi to gather chestnuts ; isi blood : isitoco to cause to bleed, -co also oc-
curs in paracusi head-chief. This suffix seems to be merely the sign of
the objective case, here incorporated into the verb.
-fa, nominal suffix : chofa liver, chorofa jay, atofa owl ; ituhu to charm,
bewitch : itufa conjurer. This suffix probably alternates with -ba, -fl, and
also with -hi.
-hani expresses the idea of cessation, discontinuance, and is in fact a
verb; when connected with other verbs it serves as a sort of auxiliary
verb, (ni) he-hani-manda I shall cease to eat, I will not eat.
-la, -le, nominal suffix : itelo uncle, so called by nephews : uncle on
fathers' side ; cumele heart ; iqila sick, diseased ; apahola buzzard, crow ;
eqe, equela day ; tola laurel ; anoquela lineage, kinship, pedigree.
-lesi, -lesiro, verbal suffix expressing the idea of to become, to begin to be :
-si being causative, -ro pointing to probability and future time ; -le seems
to have the power of verbifying, like -si. Christianolesiro to become a
Christian, holatalesiro to become chief, muenolesiro to receive a name ;
lit. "to begin to be called." abotosiro to receive blows, to get beaten.
-mi, verbal suffix : ene to see, enemi to discover, find out.
-mi, nominal suffix : nanerai perpetual ; adv. always; nocomi true ; ha-
somi those belonging to one lineage, clan-people.
-ni, nominal suffix : ichini nose, nostrils ; ibi, ibine, ibino water, lake ; he
to eat, hini tobacco ; the word for tobacco is in many Indian languages a
derivate of to eat, because the smoke is often swallowed by the natives,
-ni, verbal suffix : hani to cease, stop : hanini to neglect, orobini to go
to confession ; orobo and oroboni to cure, treat in sickness ; suquoni to rub
oneself with, icasini to altercate, quarrel ; pona to come : puenoni to bring.
-no, -nu nominal suffix, also found in participles of the passive : ituhu to
prayj ituhunu prayer ; hebua to speak, hebuano word, saying, discourse ;
pacano subsequent to ; pileno lungs ; ahono young ; banino rainbow.
-no, verbal suffix : pona to come : ponono to return to ; bohono to be-
-ra, -ro, nominal suffix : aba maize, abara maize-field ; itori late, poste-
rior ; hororo red owl ; jufere fish-catcher's wicker basket.
-si, verbal suffix : afatacosi to gather chestnuts ; elosi to whistle for is it
elofi?) ; icasini to altercate, quarrel ; niponosi to return to somebody ; ibi-
nese to bathe ; nulasi to tickle.
-so, verbal causative suffix : uqe rain : uquiso to produce rain ; inoso and
1880.] 487 [Gatechet.
inosobo to cause to work, to work somebody ; ituhu to pray : ituhusu to
cause to pray, to let pray ; uquaso to give to eat ; coso to make, produce ;
moso to make, cause ; iquaso, iquase to scream, cry ; inibiso to drink to
excess, he to eat, heso to make eat.
-so, nominal suffix : he, heno to eat : honoso deer, antelope.
-ta nominal suffix, forming (1) nomina-acti, and other terms : hibuata say-
ings, words, ceremonial terms ; uquata body, flesh ; afata chestnut ; aquita
maid ; ibine water : hibita river ; pequata bondsman ; hulubota maize-ear.
(2) occurring iii participles : eta baluta a woman after confinement ;
ibirita a female during her period ; nimota for na emota being hunted ;
ene to see : na eneta a seer, one who sees ; heta nacuta adv. immoderately.
-ta, -to forms transitive verbs : abo stick, aboto to beat with a stick ; isi
blood, isito to cause to bleed ; samota to tinge, rub oneself with ; huta to
A retrospective view upon all that could be gathered to this day con-
cerning the structure of the Timucua or Atimoke idiom 3hows it to be
remarkably simple as far as its phonet'e structure is concerned, but intri-
cate in its morphology. Its syllables consist either of one (long or short)
vowel, or of one consonant followed by one vowel. When exceptionally
two consonants are joined, some vowel must have been eliminated. The
r seems to be a real trilling sound, and not a graphic substitute for some
other sound, for it alternates with no other sound but with 1.
This elementary syllabism impresses its character on all the morpliologic
features of the idiom ; roots, prefixes, suffixes are monosyllabic, or if poly-
syllabic, the suffixes at least can be proved to be compounds. A vocalic
character is imparted to the language by this elementary syllabism, but
whether the idiom was sonorous is still an open question, the solution
of which depends on the fact, whether the vowels were pronounced clear
or dumb. No doubt the Timucua dialects showed some differences in this
particular among themselves.
The language is thoroughly synthetic in forming the voices of the verb,
possesses an affirmative form in -la and a negative form in -ti, and verbals
as well as participles are formed by suffixation. Its synthetic structure is
also shown by its numerous array of derivational prefixes and suffixes (in
this respect Timucua is polysynthetic, not synthetic only), and by a set of
postpositions and case-postpositions affixed to the noun. A possessive case
does not exist ; possession is indicated by a possessive pronoun added to
the sign or term of the proprietor, or by placing the latter before the thing
possessed. The other nominal cases are not made clearly distinct from each
other by their postpositions. The synthetic character of the idiom is
shown also by various suffixes, which serve to form a plural in the noun
and in the verb, and by others which impart to the verb a modal or a tem-
Timucua is analytic in not incorporating the subject pronouns into the
Gatschet.] 4oO [Feb. 20,
verb ; they are placed either before or after the verb. Concerning the
object pronouns the evidence on hand is too scanty. The nominal object
can become incorporated into the verb, but this is not done regularly.
The language has two relative or demonstrative-relative pronouns, hacha
(cha) and acu, which help in a great measure to disengage the intricacy of
construction and prevent the language from becoming too "participial."
The number of conjunctions seems to be rather small, and in this respect
the language is far from being analytic.
The most important question of morphology to be decided by every lin-
guist who gives a grammatic sketch of an idiom to the world, is whether
the idiom possesses a real verb or not, the verb being typical of the lan-
guage itself. For the Timucua the answer is, that the verb is neither a
real verb, nor a pure noun, but a noun-verb. It is true that the plural is
formed in the same manner and by the same suffixes in the noun and in the
verb, as we find it done also in the Maya family ; it is true that no real sub-
ject-case exists, and therefore no real case for the direct object either, all
the nominal postpositions being originally of a locative character, as it
seems ; it is true also that several relational suffixes of nouns repeat them-
selves in the verb. But the subject-pronouns are by no means identical
with the possessive pronouns of the nouns and participles, some of which
are always suffixed, hot prefixed to them, and though the verb does not
inflect for person, it inflects for tense and mode. The verbal forms which
correspond to our finite verb are nomina agentis.
The result is that the verb of this peninsular idiom is a mixed produc-
tion between a real verb and a noun used as verb; it is a noun-verb, hold-
ing a middle position between the finite Indoeuropean verb, and the finite
Algonkin and Creek verb, both of which are nomina action-is.
The nature of the texts makes it difficult to find out whether there is a
substantive verb to be or not, and therefore we are still in the dark con-
cerning the attributive verbs. However, the existence of a verb to be is
very improbable ; it is often circumscribed by the article na. Adjectives
used attributively are sometimes inflected with the same postpositions as the
noun which they qualify ; sometimes with other postpositions, while at
other times they show no inflectional endings at all, which proves that
they were then considered as forming one term with the noun, which they
qualify. They always follow the noun, unless used predicatively.
The incorporative tendency of the language has been spoken 1 of above.
It is not very prominently nor frequently put to use, and most sentences do
not show any trace of it ; but it exists, and this fact is enough for us to
direct our judgment concerning the nature of this southern idiom. Subject
pronouns and some of the'adverbs are not, but most other parts of speech
can become united with the verb, or among themselves, into "collective
terms," which are so instructive for the study of agglutinative languages.
Questions Addressed to the Chiefs.
Holatama bueta yecltinoma cantela.
(Pareja's Confessionario, leaf 183 v. — 184 v.)
Did you exact more tribute or
other articles from your subjects
than you were formerly in the habit
Did you exact the labor or day's
work from those who work for you ?
Did you employ your subjects at
some work, so that they missed the
Did you order [them] to work on
feast days without the priests' per-
Did you order, that no one open
the corn-crib or approach it, unless
the conjurer has previously said his
prayers over it ?
Did you forbid to eat of the new
maize or other new fruit, before the
conjurer has tasted it ?
Did you design that weddings
should take place to the benefit of
the Indians without giving a share
to the priest ?
Did you consent to [your] slaves'
Do you keep any negro slave as a
Did you consent that some people
of your village recite incantations
over some herbs ?
Did you cause any conjurer to
search by diabolic arts for something
stolen or lost ?
After eating bears' meat did you
ask for drinking from another shell,
lest you would fall sick ?
Andaque cumeleta hachibueno
hachi ichusubinaco christianolenaye
ofuenona yameta hachima osoaro-
sota nichusimaca mobi cho ?
Ano pequataye inosobotequa ha-
cheleheco yerebana nayolehecoquene
hochi uquabi cho ?
Ano pequataye inosobo chique
Missaleno liani mobi ?
Itimilenoye inosohale masetiqua
fetecatiqua fiesta equelama inosobi
Ano misoma ituhutetima avoho-
pahama iqinoleheleqete mobi cho?
Tapolabacaqe aya liono tocaco to-
coqe uquaca ano misoma hetetileta
heqeqere henolehabela motabi cho?
Anopira comeleta niamate nata hi-
buasi mota viroma nacunata hibua-
somata mosobi cho ?
Ateco anoco fastaqe nate manibi
Atemimaqua inihimi chu mosobi
Hicaye ano niye uquata ituhu-
teco hibuataqe nate naquenta hani-
mate manibi cho ?
Nuquenoco hachibueno teraco
chebeque yalacosobi cho ?
Ara-hete toomama nacunuma nina-
cusi chi caqe honi-hete ninacuqe ni-
qilabosohabele nacunu eyo nacunu-
lehaue mosobi cho ?
PROC. AMER. PIIILOS. S0C. XVIII. 105. 3K. PRINTED MARCH 27, 1880.
To preclude young women from
dancing did you have some of them
insulted, or inflicted punishment on
Early in the sowing season did you
cause six old men to eat [a pot of frit-
Just before becoming chief did
you order a new Are to be made for
six days in the cottage, and to have
it closed up by laurels or other things ?
Did you desire the chief's death
to succeed him ?
Having fallen sick, did you con-
struct a new house, declaring " Here
I shall live and die?"
Did you order laborers to be pun-
ished so as to have their arms broken,
not for the sake of work, but for be-
ing angry ?
For what other reason, but for be-
ing angry, did you have anybody
Ela nia muquano iquimi iquiti
mosobota hachibueno nabalusobota
Eclierosota ano miso marecama
hesobi cho ?
Holata ichi qihabeleta taca chaleca
alata itorita ela mareca hutanolehaue,
acu tolalehecote hachibuenolehecote
viro pahama naquiluta mosonolehaue
Nihitaruqe honihe holatalesiro
manibi cho ?
Chiquilabotanimano paha chaleca
ucunuleqe fata orobinihale caqua
fanomano ninihihauele mobi cho ?
Anoco inonino namoquatima ma-
ha ine eyo nayuricomita chacali
carema tuchemaca mo chi aboto-
moque yabi vichubi ?
Anoco ineca luba ticote hochie yu-
ricono yebueta iqimileqe ineco na-
hiqe abotosiro-manda quosta nasi-
sobi cho ?
Indian Prognostications and Pagan Ceremonies Still in Practice.
Anopira hachicare isinomite httin,aeumilenomiiteque,ne cantela.
(Confessionario, leaf 133
When somebody was crazed, did
you believe [his] words would be-
come true ?
Did you believe that it was a sign
of somebody's arrival, or that some-
thing new would happen, when a
jay was chattering to another bird,
and when my body was trembling ?
Did you believe, that by making a
new fire in a separate spot, the sick
When you were sick, did you have
a fire (candela) made separately so
that they may cook victuals to-be your
food, for otherwise you would die ;
did you believe in this ?
r. and v., 124 r. and v.)
Isucu echa, hebuatema nocomile-
manda bohobi cho?
Hachipileoo cacaleheco chulufl
eyolehecote nahebuasota, caqueni-
haue qestela, mota unayaruru cate-
mate, caquenihaueqe intela manta
bohobi cho ?
Ano iqilabamabuetaleqe taca cha-
leca arecotana baluhauele-manta
Chiqilabotaqe, taca chaleca nalasi-
nolehaue hono iutico tacama echeqe
ninihihauela-manda mosobi cho?
yanacu ano eyocobueta motaqe bo-
hobi cho ?
When a woman was in travail, did
you think it sinful to approach the
fire (lumbre) just burning?
Did you consent that a herb-doctor
should cure you by reciting over you
Did you offer to this purpose at the
door of the house the maize to the
Devil, as you were in the habit of
doing before ?
The ceremony of the laurel, per-
formed to [serve] the Demon, did
you perform it ?
[When collecting] acorns or other
fruits, did you not eat the first [gath-
When lightnings struck into the
clearing (roca) or maize-field, did you
not eat of it? and 'did you advise
anybody not to eat of it ?
Did you advise not to eat the first
maize of the newly-cleared field ?
When the water is flooding the
new fish-pond and the first fish is
caught, did you order not to throw it
into hot water, lest no others would
Did you place the first fish close
to it (the new fishpond), to make come
a large quantity by the next tide ?
When flooding a new fish-pond, did
you desire that the conjurers pray
over it, believing that many more
fish will enter it ?
(Same sentence, the inland term
puye "weir" being substituted for
ichali, used on the coast.)
Vilu tacaco inti uquata ibiretaco-
co inti uquata quosobi cho?
Isucuma chorobonima hiti hebu-
ata ituhuta choroboqe nate mani-
Tapolama ucuchua easota hitima
tacatosibinaqechu naquosobi cho?
Tola ucuchua nacaquibinaqechu
naquosobi cho ?
Ahano calama qibeuiate, hachi-
bueno eyo calama qibemate inti
Pilema numa hebuama nabotoqe,
tapolamano inti uquabicho ? yanacu
ano eyo, inti nquasota, mosobi cho?
Auara ele tapolama ecano qibe-
mano inti uquata mosobi cho ?
Ichali ele iribosobinaco, cuyuma
ubuata qibenco melasonolehabetile
cuyuma naqua ubuahauetile naquo-
satiqua nimaca mobi cho ?
Cuyu ubuata qibenco yuquisotani-
qua, cuyu arota ubuahauele-manta
quosobi cho ?
Ichali ele iribosota, hiti hebuano-
mani ituhusinoleqe ubahauele man-
ibi cho ? yanacu ituhubi cho ?
Puyeca quibinaco hiti-hebuano-
mani ituhusinoleqe hubuahauele
manibi cho? yanacu hoqua ituhubi
(Confessionario, leaf 127 v.)
All these things, all these abuses,
the tremblings of the body, the
omens from the birds, from the
beasts, nothing of them must be be-
Una caremaqua hachibueno, care
nayalacota, caque nihaueyatala mue-
nomate isticoqe namota bohonole bi-
tima chisisotamano bohatiquani
To Married People.
(Confessionario, leaf 208 r.)
Did you suspect your consort of
some wicked action?
Did you outrage your consort by
affronting terms, by insults, by scoff-
ing, or by laying hands on ?
Have you gratified too much the
desires of your sons, allowing them
their own will without punishment
and correction, and leaving them
their liberty ?
Did you consent that your son or
others of your house act in a turbu-
lent or knavish manner?
Did you give no longer to eat to
your husband, and did you not act
upon his command?
Inihimima inibati cumelesta inta
ninco nahe v- nale manibi cho ?
Inihimima hebuanoleheco inino-
leheco mosima na-isticosota iquiti-
mosota hebuabi cho ?
Siquisonaye maha ere timoqiti
mine cumelebi nincoqua na-inta-
nasiqi puenta honochiqe hete naeula
orobistileno chiqena inta alihota-
habe nate manibi cho?
orobistitima anoletaqe nate manibi
Inifaye cobuosatileta hono, na-
cutne ecatileta tera hebuatanima
(Here follows : Have you not murdered Proc. 1878, pg. 499.)
Misdeeds to be confessed to the Priest only.
(Catechism, leaf 83 verso to 84 verso. In the original, this article is nit
divided into paragraphs or sections as here.)
Hono-melomano pilanileqe nabe
chaleqe queneraa hayarota ebetoqe
ibama nahabosoqe mosotequarebama
nahitanima ; naqueutequa elasosiqe
nimarubi michuqui mosileriomano
anoco, neneha manibi michuqui mo-
Naqui monihauemano iniheti ini-
nomile atichicolo orobotemaqua oro-
binta naahosta mosonihauele caqi
ano orobotemano Iesu Christoma,
Naque nihaue quentelaha yahamo-
simano isticoma inta nabo nabomota,
naquosonole hetimane na anolatema.
The shell of the ocean opens every
night and every morning to receive
the dew from the sky, wherewith
the pearl congeals in it ; the pearl
locks itself in, when the sun has
risen and the day has advanced, and
preserves' its natural heat (y viene
escalentando), and so that it may
be seen afterwards by all, it locks
We likewise must manifest our
shortcomings only to the confessing
priest, as to a vicarious person for
Jesus Christ, and to none else.
Many are doing just the opposite
of this ; those who glory themselves
when acting mischievously and
praise themselves on account of their
Naliitela naquenema Esaias : Is-
tanimano namotemano mine istico
inino mimaqua na-iribota hebuata ne-
lacare chienta, Sodoma hicayayima,
anoma isomoni michuqui mosotema
Naquenema hanta eyobeta taano-
lenomano unabine yuchinoma ela-
care cbieta, halifonoma nan tela.
Gatomano piaha-manda ayahibua-
noma ; piteta nuqua ecate hacliipile
inemimano, yucbi nihe mosima,
apimimaqua nacuquete una oquo
yuchi namotemabeta, na-iqilabono
nahitemano isucumaqua nahiabosota
Chiqesta mosote quentemano ini-
heti ininomileno eyomano ; chiqesta
atichicolo isucumaqua sacerdote in-
terna toloba ajosta na-orobininole-
Naquenemano ano yaha mosimano
iniheti ininomima yucheti elacare
Acu caquenta nabalu hache itimi-
lonoma mota nimatecanimaselamota
nabeta nabonta na-anoletema na
hitela quosonolebitila Sacramento
na-orobininoma nabena sabata iso-
nola naquenema intila.
Of these people says the prophet
Esaia: '•Peccatum suum sicut So-
doma praedicaverunt." They have
praised and publicly exhibited their
sins, like those of Sodom.
That the sinner should reveal his
sins, unless while confessing, seems
to be against nature.
Cats will hide their excrements
and cover them well [so that they do
not stink nor smell bad to others],
and all animals cover themselves by
their tail ; and people who have any
ugly infirmities conceal and hide
them from others' sight, except from
the physicians who are to heal them.
All this teaches us, that sins must
be covered and concealed from all,
save from the spiritual doctors, to
whom they must be confessed
Sinners must not be like monkeys,
who show themselves nude to all,
without shame or bashfulness.
There are people, also, who di-
vulge not only the sins which they
have confessed, but even the pen-
ances, which they have endured for
them, and in this manner almost ex-
pose to mockery the Sacrament of
(Confession ario, leaf 210.)
Pahamico anomileheco ano eyole-
hecote quenema inibati intaqe nate
manibi cho ?
Inihiminco ano eyo napatahohero
maniuoma nate quentahaue manibi
Niaco obachamisibi cho ?
Niareqe chuquareqe ?
Caqi nia hutanaye inemimano ano-
micote hutabi cho ?
Did you permit any married or
other person to have sexual inter-
course in your house or elsewhere?
Did you consent that any one have
connection with your consort ?
Did you kiss a woman ?
How often each woman ?
Are there any mothers among all
those with whom you had inter-
(Catechism, leaf 50.)
Santa Maria aquitasiqema hebuas-
Caqi aquitasiqe Mariancono chlca-
Mine (h)achibueno tera inemi naya
iynomate, graciamate nacumotaqe
i3'enotiraa ; nocomi Dios-isomima
Caqi minequa iyenotincono chan-
Hachaqueniqe Diosima mueno-
Nanacu hachibueno carema na-
eneta naqebanta, numamate utimate
quenequa mine ecoyaleta hacliibuena
carema caqnenta liauemantema nan-
tiqe ona Diosila.
Dios itimi, Dios qiemima, Jesu
Christo nante, Espiritu Santomate.
Ano qiemamate Diosi?
I speak with the Virgin Mary.
Who is the Virgin Mary ?
Some great queen, rich in all vir-
tues and graces; the true mother of
God she is called.
Where dwells this grand queen ?
Why is he called God ?
Because he sees all things, and
ministers to them, he being the
powerful ruler of all things in heaven
and on earth.
God father, God's son
Christ, and the Holy Spirit.
Is the Father God ?
Yea, he is God.
Is the son God ?
(Catechism, page 27 v.)
Mime una oquomimano hacha-
quenta tuqualamanafaye ?
Nanacu una oquomano utinaleno
divinidad muenomacasinta yahota
Nihinima hachaquentaquere tabu-
Acuyano, hachequeniqe Christian
nolehala mote cho?
Mine Diosi maqua, inostaniqua
nuina abo orabonoma nimihero ni-
mandaqe, Christianolesiro ni ma-
In which state did his body re-
main when in the tomb ?
His body was united with the
In which manner- did he rise from
Furthermore, why do you declare
that you want to become a Christian ?
That I may serve Almighty God,
go to Heaven, and that there the
glory may be conferred upon me ;
therefore I want to be a Christian.
1880.] 495 [Gatschet.
Address of Thanks,
Sent to the King of Spain by his Loyal Subjects, the Chiefs of
the Timucua People ; dated the 28th of January, 1688.
Shortly after the revolt of the Indians of the northern part of the Flori-
dian peninsula against their Spanish governor, who attempted to send some
of their number to the mines in the West Indies, and after the inroad of
the Yamassi Indians into their pueblos (1687), the loyal Apalache chiefs
sent a letter of explanation to the Spanish monarch, dated Apalache, Febr.
15, 1688, and endorsed by the Governor Diego de Quiroga y Lossada,
"Capitan-general," on April 1, 1688; the Timucua chiefs sent to him a
loyalty address bearing date of Jan. 28, 1688. The vidimus of this letter
states, that it was "escrita de todos los CaCiques de la timucua," and
translated by Fray Francisco de Rojas, a Franciscan of Santa Elena Prov-
ince, interpreter of Timuquano in the city of St. Augustine and "ministro
de los naturales, etc." This remark of the translator is dated February 17;
the vidimus of the magistrate, " Alonsso Solana," is dated February 21,
The Apalache and the Timucua letter were published in fac similes of
the original documents, with printed Spanish translations and vidimus, by
Mr. Buckingham Smith, in an undated (1859) folio edition of nine leaves,
and printed in fifty copies only.
A copy having no printed title is in the Library of Congress, and from
this I have reproduced the text below. Leclerc mentions the publication
of Mr. Smith in his "Bibliotheca Americana," Paris, Maisonneuve & Co.,
In my English rendering of the address I have followed as closely as
possible the corrected Timucua text. The vertical bar | shows the end of
each line in the text of the original.
Readers will remember that only the " Text of the Original" and the
"Spanish Translation of 1688," are reproductions of what is left to us.
The original is worded in a dialect differing in some respects from that
found in Pareja's books, and was written some eighty years later. Where
we find, e. g., lahacu, bota in the address, Pareja would use leheco, mota.
The queer orthography of the original prompted me to attempt a more cor-
rect reading of it, and this I have sought to reproduce in my English
At the head of the letter- stands the sign of the holy cross, and in the
original it is repeated where the C stands before reiheca. Every C of the
text is written as a capital letter. The i's have all long oblique dashes over
them (i). In the term namonimanibotela the nam is erased in the original
with ink. Numerous difficulties still encumber the full understanding of
this interesting missive.
Spanish Translation of 1688.
Al Rey nro Seiior
Siempre emos sido vasallos de V.
M. pero agora con mejor ra^on y de
ttodo coracon lo somos y asi quere-
raos hablar.= V. M. a ynviado
muclios governadores pero corao Don
Diego no emos vistto ninguno ; otros
que an sidos governadores estan aqui
pero como este no emos vistto nin-
guno, y por estta causa damos a V.
M las gracias ; nos a socorrido a los
casiques y pobres vassallos de V. M.
con ropa por cuia causa estamos muv
agradecidos, Dios se lo pague a V.
M. ; y si los senores governadores
que ban benido fueran como cl que
oy esta fueramos mejores xptianos
y hubiera muchos mas xptianos. Su
me d a trauajado mucho en ntro vien
con tan malos tiempos y por si mes-
mo a uisitado ttodos los lugares de
xptianos y de ynfieles como fue
Basisa y nos a dado mucho consuelo
y con todos estos trauajos nunca a
dejado de oy? misa y asi decimos
q e es un hombre santto. A nos en-
cargado mucho que honrremos que
rreberenciemos a los saQerdottes que
nos asisten, como su m d lo aQia del-
ante de nosotros, suplicainos a V. M.
se sirua de continuarnos muchos a os
al S r Governador que es porque pro-
cura n ro vien aconsejandonos como
buen xptiano que oygamos misa y
atendamos mucho a lo que los rreli-
giosos nos ensenan ; boluemos a
suplicar a V. M. nos continue el
S r Don Diego nuestro Gobernador
para nro consuelo : nro Senor de en
ttodo a V. M. ttodo goc,o y salud
como estos pobres vasallos le desean:
escrita en S" Matheo en el mes de
henero veintte y ocho de mill ss M y
ochentta y ocho anos. Escripta y
firmada de los casiques que nos hal-
larnos presentes.— Don Fran 00 ca-
sique de San Matheo. = Don Pedro
casique deSanPedro.— Don Bentura
casique de Asile.=Don Diego Ca-
siquede Machaua.=Gregorio casique
de San Juan de Guacara. = Fran 00
Martinez Residente en San Matheo.
Text of the Original.
C reiheca AnoConiCa
nanemi Anequelamitonoma ni
eiabobila hacacheqeno | Cumenati-
moCoCo Anoquelamitonoma ni
eiabotela | queniqe Anohebasisiro-
Anonaio holata puquahimesobonibi-
lahaCu | dontieCunaquimosi niene-
bobitila Ano naio holata | yoqua
Careniate eiatamalahacu naquimosi
ni | enebobitila naquenema betaleq
diosiquimi leqeysa- | co niquosobori-
| Anoquelacunemate Amunapuqua-
ninabarasobo | ta niquo soboniquey-
sacomanta < intanic.ila Acu Ano |
naioholata ponobi icqucaremaCa.
Co niso bonemaqu | mo sinisobomo-
bilcnincono Cristiano nipuquaCoOo-
lebo | hela Cristianoleno lenoleha-
bemi tacubauiheba | sibonela minete
pataquilononebeleea ynta Cristi. |
Anoutima niparifosibonelaharu pata-
quilonoma j quayquimileqemisa-
mano haninibiti la santole | nelenela
mamonimanibotela ytecarena boso |
noletahabe caremate nihebasibota-
mosoniqeysa [ Comanta eiatanicaRe-
misa oCotono letahabeCa | remate
ysaco | manta eiataniCare naquene-
mabetaleqe Caqi | Anonaioholata-
hibantema diosiquimileqe | Anila-
pusimitaniCale diosibalunu ohonta-
haue | tomanCo Caquanihi basibon-
taheronimani | botaqe Anihebasimi-
tanibale San Mateo | enero elaotu-
ma yuih'oqe piqinahii eromano 88 |
don fransisco naystale Acu fran-
ciscamartine | Don P San P° holata
Dudie go MacbalJa holata | Venturo
Asile holata Gregorio S Ju al1 ho |
Text as corrected by myself:
Reyheca anoconica :
Nanemi anoquelamitonoma ni eya
bobilahaca cheqeno cumena atimo-
coco anoquelamitoaoma ni eya
botela quenfqe ano hebasi-siro ni-
Ano nayo holata puquahi miso
bonibilahacu Don Diecu naqui mo-
si ni-enebobitila; ano nayo holata yo-
qua caremate eyatamalahacu naqui
mosi ni-enebobitila. Naquenema
betaleqe Diosi iquimileqe ; isaco ni-
quoso ponihauena mota nica naye
holata inemi mote anoquelacune-
mate amuna puquanina barasobota ni-
quoso boniqe isaco manta intanicala.
Acu ano nayo holata ponobi yoque
caremacaco nisobonemaque mosi ni-
sobo mobilenincono Cristiano nipu-
qua cocolebobela Cristianoleno leno-
lehauema. Tacubani hebasi ponela
minete pataquilono nebeleca inta
Cristi (-anole?) ano utima nipari-
fosi ponelahacu pataquilonomaque
iquimileqe misamano haninibitila
santole nelenela nimani botela ; ite-
care nabosonoletahaue caremate ni-
hebasibota mosoniqe isaco manta
eyatanicare misa ocotono-letahaue
caremate nihebanica sibota homota-
miniqe isaco manta eya tanicare.
Naquenema betaleqe caqi ano nayo
holata hibantema Diosi iquimileqe,
ani lapusi mitanicale Diosi balunu
ohontahaue tomanco caqua nihibasi
pontahero nimani botaqe. Ani he-
basi mitanimale San Mateo, enero
erao tuma yuchaqe piqinahu eroma-
no 88. Don Francisco na-istale, acu
Francisco Martinez. Don Pedro, San
Pedro holata. Du(n) diego Macha-
ua holata. Ventura Asile holata.
Gregorio San Juan holata.
English Translation :
To our King our Lord :
Always we have been your sub-
jects, but now with more reason and
with whole heart are we your sub-
jects, and intend to speak in this
Some white governors you have
sent us, but like Don Diego we have
seen none ; former white governors
stay here, but like him we have not
seen any. Therefore we invoke
(upon you) the grace of God ; he has
succored us, the chiefs and the poor
subjects (of .you) with clothing, and
for this cause we show our gratitude.
Those white governors who came
(here), had they all been like the
present one, we would be better
Christians, and there would be
many more Christians in existence.
For our benefit he has worked a
great deal, and in person has visited
all settlements of Christians and un-
believers, has helped us with advice,
and having during all his trouble
never neglected to attend holy mass,
we hence call him a saint; all the
priests who assist us, he told us to
honor and reverence, as he has done
himself before our eyes. We there-
fore pray you to let the governor
stay many years with us, for he
works for our weal, advising us to
hear mass, and listen to the teach-
ings of the priests. Therefore we
supplicate, that God bestow His
graces upon this white Governor,
our adviser ; we all pray God he
may give life (to him), and thus we
constantly pray and wish.
We all present have thus spoken
at San Mateo, the twentieth and
eighth day of the year (16) 88. Don
Francisco was speaker, and he Fran-
cisco Martinez. Don Pedro, chief of
San Pedro. Don Diego, chief of
Machaua. Ventura, chief of Asile.
Gregorio, chief of San Juan.
PBOC. AMEB. PHILOS. SOC. XVIII. 105. 3L. PRINTED MARCH 29, 1880.
Gatechet.] 4y<5 [Feb. 20,
Words and Sentences.
acuyano besides, further, furthermore ; in addition to.
afuenoma, see ofuenoma.
Alimaeaui a Floridian chief, also called Halmacanir, Allimicani paracussi ;
contains the word maca, moca sea, ocean. The map in De Bry,
Brevis narratio. locates his settlement on the coast, just North of the
mouth of St. John's River.
anoleta knavishness, sin, misdeed.
antipola bonassu. These words were uttered by the Indians on the St.
John's River, when they saw De Laudonniere revisiting them on
his second expedition. They seem to represent the Timucua words :
"anta, balu pona cho ? " brother, have you come' (returned) alive?
This author interprets them by "brother " or " friend," and A. Gal-
latin (Archreol. Amer. II, page 106) attempted to explain the first
word by a Cha'hta, the second by a Creek term.
ati, ate subordinate person ; slave, subject, servant. Atemima chu some-
body's negro slave. Atemalema master and slave, or : female slave
atichicoloye atimoqua your spiritual lord ; your Christian God.
atimoqua, atimoqe master, ruler, lord ; from ati and maqua, moqua.
Atore, Athore, nom. pr. of the eldest son of the paracusi Satnriwa (De
Laud.). Contains the word itori following, subsequent to.
ayahibuano excrements; lit. "what cannot be spoken of."
benasaba, balusobo to dance.
betale to supplicate.
Bimini, nom. pr. of the mythic "Fountain of Life" imparting eternal
youth to those who drank from it and restoring health to the diseased.
Ancient traditions and maps place it on an island north of the Ba-
hama Islands. Contracted from ibine mine, "superior water."
The authors of the sixteenth century mention the Antillian bi life
and mini source, but I have looked in vain for analogies to these
terms in the other Galibi dialects.
cani 1) palmetto leaf 2) hat made of palmetto leaves.
care, pi. carema "together;" expresses the idea of temporal and some-
times local simultaneity. Viro niaquene care uquata: male and
female infants at the same time. Caru amitimale : male twin, lit.:
brother born at a time with a sister. Hica nocowmale : fellow-
Chilili, nom. pr. of an inland Indian town, on an affluent of St. John's
River, and of its chief.
Chiquola, nom. pr. of a "great lord of the country," dwelling north of St.
John's River. His stature, exceeded that of his subjects by more
than one foot (De Laud.).
chulufl, chorofa jay; chulufl-chi those of the jay-clan (chi, apher. ofhachi).
1880.] 49J [Gatschet.
cote, ticote, ticotacu, cotacu (suffixed to verbs) : unless, lest, if not ; al-
though, though not.
manino ticote without feeling hunger,
cote, cota tongue ; language ; portion of discourse, paragraph,
mine coteraano the first part (of book, sermon, etc.).
anacoti councillor, adviser.
Cuaresma the fasting period of Lent, lat. quadragesima.
Cuaresma pira : Red Lent, viz : Lent marked red in the calendar.
cumelenima bohote cho? do you believe with (or in) the heart?
cumeleno natimo heartily, with full heart (de todo coracon).
cumelesota document ; c. hebuanoma d. of all what was said.
ecaleta to perform, to obey, act upon something,
ecano made, prepared ; part, of ica to make.
auara ele ecano field recently cleared or prepared for maize -culture,
ecoyaleta ruler, manager,
elo, elosi, or elofi to whistle, hiss at ; aqetu elosibi cho 1 did you hiss at the
Emoloa, Bmola, Molua, nom. pr. of a Timucua settlement and of its cacique
or chief, who is reported to have been subordinate to the Holata
Utina. De Bry's map has a locality Homoloua on the St. John's
River, near Fort St. Charles,
hachipacha some person, somebody; lit. "who is born."
hani to cease, stop, quit, itorinoma hanibi cho ? did you cease fasting ?
Missaleno hani to miss the holy mass, inifaye viroma chi haniqe after
your husband had left you.
hanini to neglect ; haninibitila he has not neglected,
utihanta exulant, deserter.
Helicopile, nom. pr. of a chief (De Laud.),
heso to cause or give to eat ; from he to eat.
heta nacuta, heta ucuta to excess, immoderately,
hete what can be eaten : meat, food, edibles ; hetetileta untasted yet.
ara-hete bear's meat ; honi-hete edible mussel, nutritious sea-shell,
hibuasi, hibuaso wedding,
hini tobacco ; der. of he to eat.
Hiocaia, nom pr. of a chief dwelling twelve leagues north of Fort St.
Charles. From hio to imitate, and caya turkey, partridge, the
name perhaps referring to a headdress of feathers.
Hirrihiqua, nom. pr. of the Timucua chief, who captured Ortiz, a Spanish
soldier. This is in fact a local name ; War-land, or war-district (iri,
hitiqiri owl, lit. " demon-screecher."
hochie, hochi, echa, other pronunciations of hacha, pron. relat.
hono 1) shell, fresh-water or sea-mussel ; lit. food (he : to eat).
Gatschet.] oOO LFeb . 20,
honi-hete edible shell, bivalve ; hono-melo shell of the salt (melo)
water ; oceanic shell, pearl-shell. On Floridian fresh-water shells,
shell heaps and shell mounds, cf. Fifth Ann. Report of Peabody
Museum, Boston, 1872, page 22 sqq.
2) fruit ; berry found in the woods,
hororo red owl.
Hostaqua or Hustaca, nom. pr. of an Indian settlement and its chief, on an
affluent of St. Jphn's River,
iarua sorcerer, conjurer (De Laud.). This epithet given to the Timucua
shamans refers to their prophetic power and the convulsions affected
by them to obtain oracles of war ; from yuru to tremble, to be
shaken or contorted,
ichi cold ; ibine-ichicosa to throw into cold water,
ichuqui to throw away, to spill,
inoni to work. Domingo equelemate inonibicho? did you do any work on
inoso, inosobo to make work, to cause to work,
iquaso, iquase to cry forth, to utter a cry, to scream ; iquaseti not to utter
a cry. Cf. qi in hitiqiri.
Iracana, nom. pr. of a river falling into the Atlantic, probably in Georgia
(De Laud.) ; also called Salinacani. The French called it " la Somme,"
or according to the map of De Bry, l'Ai»ne (Axona).
iriboso to flood something,
isito to bleed ; ichinima isitoco to cause my nose to bleed,
itori alligator. These reptiles served as food to the Timucua people,
jufere a wicker basket for catching fish (Span. na$a).
yechino query, question,
yoqe, yoqua past, bygone, ano nayo holata yoqua former white governors.
yuquiso to lay, deposit on the side of.
yubueha, yubehe to transfix, pierce, strike, atulu chi yubeheti the arrow
may pierce you.
yubuo, yubana sodomite.
Yupaha, nom. pr. of a town seen by Hernando de Soto's army. Contains
paha "houses;" perhaps: Yoque paha, "Oldtown."
yuri, yuru to be shaken up, to tremble ; to be angry.
iyorona (for yuruna) eel.
Maracu, in the French orthography Marracou, an inland camp of Indians.
Seems to contain mero, melo warm, hot.
mela, mero hot, heated, boiling.
melasonolehabetile cuyuma : not to throw the fish into hot water,
nimaru to preserve one's heat,
meleni petticoat ; probably made of bulrushes of the salt marsh (cf. melo).
meleniqi to put on a petticoat,
melo salt, ibini melo salt water ; moca melo salt sea ; hono-melo ocean
1880.] 501 [Gatschel.
shell. Probably identical with mela, mera hot, warm, the tempera-
ture of the sea water forming a contrast with that of fresh-water
springs in southern latitudes,
mine winter ; minama in winter-time, during the wintry season ; viz. first
(mine) of year,
miso old, aged ; older than, ano miso mareca six old men. ano misoma
ituhute incantated by a conjurer,
mo to speak, say, tell.
mono, mueno to call by name, to name.
moso to make.
mani to consent, desire ; manino to be hungry or thirsty.
manta, manda l)to wish, desire ; 2) sign of the future tense,
mota to agree, consent, declare ; 2) a word, saying ; 3) thus, so.
moqua, maqua to serve, attend, to wait upon, cf. atimoqua ; mine Diosi
maqua to serve the great God.
nabe, every, each ; nabe chaleque every morning; viz. : every new (day),
naboto to strike (for ni-aboto) ; said f. i. of the thunderbolt (numa-hebua).
nacu to drink ; ninacu to ask for drinking,
nacunu contr. from na acu ano.
nayo (when standing for na eyo) : another, any other,
naquila, ninaquilasi to perfume ; from uque oil, grease,
nate (among other significations) or, or else, or either ; acunate again.
Nia Cubacani, nom. pr. of a woman (De Laud.) ; probably : niaco pacano.
niponosi to return to somebody; from pona to come.
niponosihero-manda bohobi cho ? did you believe that he would possi-
bly return (to you)?
ofuenoma, afuenoma, ofonoma, 1) after, behind (temporal and local), ofue-
noma Diosima : in preference to God, after God. hibate maytines
ofonoma : after having said the morning mass ; halifonoma nantela
I call it to be against nature. 2) on the subject of, concerning, about
something : caqi mandamiento ofuenoma yechino cantela, or : caqi
mandamiento ofuenoma na-yechinoma cantecarela : all these are
questions (or queries) concerning that commandment.
Olataraca, nom. pr. of the nephew of the chief Saturiwa (De Laud.). The
first part of the name is holata, chief,
orobo, oroboni to cure, heal ; to treat for sickness,
ch-orobonate you to be cured.
orobisi to correct, chastise, orobini to go to confession,
orobisiono advice, counsel ; na orobisionoma (good) advice, intelligence ;
orobaso to bewitch, orobota incantation, witchcraft,
orobono glory (of heaven).
Patica, nom. pr. of a coast settlement or locality eight leagues from the
French Fort St. Charles, on St. John's River. It lay a short distance
south of the outlet of that river ; the name is a compound of paha
houses, and tico canoe; canoe-houses, cabins near a harbor,
pia, piaha to hide, cover up.
Gatsohet.] "02 [Feb- 20,
pile field ; pllema numa hebuama nabotoqe when lightnings have struck
hachipile animals ; lit. "what is on the field."
purucusta to run. If paracusi is a derivative of this, it means "the chief
of the war-expeditions."
samota 1) to bathe in ; samota niyena to bathe in the juice of an herb; 2) a
rubbing with, a bathing in.
Sarrauahi, also written Saranay, Serraney ; noni. pr, of a river and of an
Indian settlement located on its shores, north of the outlet of. St.
Saturiwa, or, in French orthography, Satourioua, nom. pr. of a paracusi
on St. John's River, mentioned by De Laudonniere. Lived on sea-
coast, a short distance south of the outlet of St. John's River.
Seloy, nom. pr. of a river in the Timucua territory, interpreted by De Lau-
donniere par "la riviere des dauphins," Porpoise River.
sieroa pira red metal, gold (De Laud.).
suquoni to rub on, to rub oneself with ; niye suquoni to rub oneself with
the juice of herbs.
Taeatacuru, nom. pr. of a river falling into the Atlantic Ocean north of the
St. John ; contains taca fire, probably in a redoubled form. The
French under De Laudonniere called this river La Seine-
tapaga tapola "little baskets of mill " (Hakluyt) ; a compound term ; the
latter word is holaba, tapolaba Indian corn and contains aba stalk,
toca "new fruit," tococo to eat that " new fruit."
toya name of a feast of the Timucua people (De Laud.).
tola laurel ; Tolemaro a town near the outlet of the St. Mary's River,
on Northern boundary of Florida ; once inhabited by Timucua
Indians. The name contains tola laurel.
ubua, uba 1) to enter, go into, as into the net. cuyuma ubuata qibe the first
fish (plur,) caught ; 2) to catch, get hold of.
uqua to eat, said of certain edibles only, tapolamano inti uquabi cho ? did
you eat the maize (-ears) 1 uquaso to eat, and to give to eat.
uque oil, grease ; ara uque bear's grease.
uqui, huqe, rain ; uquihe, uquisa, uquiso to produce rain.